Postville, Iowa, Is Up for Grabs – The New York Times

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Postville, Iowa, Is Up for Grabs
By MAGGIE JONES JULY 11, 2012
Around 10 on a clear May morning in 2008, two black helicopters circled over
Postville, Iowa, a town of two square miles and fewer than 3,000 residents. Then a
line of S.U.V.’s drove past Postville’s main street and its worn brick storefronts. More
than 10 white buses with darkened windows and the words “Homeland Security” on
their sides were on their way to the other side of town. Postville’s four-man police
force had no forewarning of what was about to happen. Neither did the mayor.
The procession of S.U.V.’s, buses and state-trooper cars were descending on
Agriprocessors, the largest producer of kosher meat in the United States and
Postville’s biggest employer, which occupies 60 acres on the edge of town. Several
silos clustered together like old, overgrown tin cans behind the plant’s chain-link
fence. Low-slung, rusted metal buildings — one with a 10-foot menorah mounted on
its top — contained hundreds of workers, chickens and cattle.
The early shift at Agri, as Postville residents call it, had been under way for
several hours when dozens of agents from U.S. Immigration and Customs
Enforcement, dressed in black flak vests, stormed the plant’s buildings. Workers
shouted, “La migra, la migra” (immigration police), dropped their butcher and
boning knives and fled from their jobs at the cutting and grinding machines. A group
of women ran to a bathroom and locked themselves in the stalls before I.C.E. agents
forced them out. A couple of men scaled Agri’s fence and hid in the cornfield across
the street, where they remained until the next morning. Others climbed onto the roof
near the smokestack of the chicken-processing building. From there, one man called
a friend from his cellphone: “Take care of my children,” he pleaded.
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Fermin Loyes Lopez, a 27-year-old father from Guatemala who had been living
in Postville for five years, found his wife, Rosa Zamora Santos, who worked the same
shift, cutting chicken meat off breast bones. One of their daughters, a toddler, was
with a baby sitter; the other, a 5-year-old, was in kindergarten. After a quick call to
the baby sitter, Lopez counseled his wife: “Tell them the truth,” he said, referring to
the I.C.E. agents, just before he was arrested. “Tell them your real name. Tell them
we have children.”
Meanwhile, several blocks away, on Lawler, the town’s main street, Elver
Herrera, a former plant worker who ran the local bakery, hid Latinos in an
apartment above his store. The head of the local Catholic Church’s Hispanic ministry
raced to a nearby apartment complex where many Latino families lived and handed
out printed information about undocumented immigrants’ rights, while a school
counselor went door to door, telling families to stay away from the plant.
Within hours of the raid — which I.C.E. had planned for months, based on evidence
that large numbers of Agri’s employees used suspect or false Social Security numbers
and that plant managers hired minors and violated other labor laws — I.C.E. agents
detained 389 undocumented workers, most of them Guatemalan. (Agri employed
more than 900 workers, over three shifts.) The agents handcuffed the wrists of the
men and women and loaded them into the Homeland Security buses. With one statetrooper vehicle in front of each bus and another behind, they drove 75 miles to
Waterloo, Iowa. There, I.C.E. had transformed an 80-acre fairgrounds, the National
Cattle Congress, into a temporary processing center for the workers. Many of the
detainees, including Lopez, were then sent to prisons throughout the country, where
they would spend five months before being deported to Guatemala.
Back in Postville, about 400 residents poured into St. Bridget’s Catholic Church,
which would become the town’s de facto relief center in the months to come.
Women, men and children ate at the church and slept in the pews, afraid I.C.E.
might be waiting for them at home.
On almost any other May evening, Guatemalan families, many of whom had
lived in Postville for years and were a tight-knit group from two villages in
Guatemala, would have been outside, pushing strollers down Lawler Street, stopping
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for tacos at the Mexican restaurant, Sabor Latino, and for ice cream at the Sweet
Spot. Instead, downtown was empty. At the Tidy Wave laundromat, washers and
dryers were filled with clothes. No one ever came to claim them.
Some families packed their cars in the middle of the night and drove to other
meatpacking towns in Iowa or to another part of the United States altogether. Others
turned to a van service, run by a local Guatemalan-American, that would eventually
shuttle more than 100 people to O’Hare Airport in Chicago for one-way flights to
Guatemala City. Children stopped going to school. Within weeks, roughly 1,000
Mexican and Guatemalan residents — about a third of the town — vanished. It was
as if a natural disaster had swept through, leaving no physical evidence of
destruction, just silence behind it.
Postville — a town with no stoplights, no fast-food restaurants and a weekly
newspaper that for years featured the “Yard of the Week” — had been through one of
biggest single-site immigration raids in U.S. history. For 20 years, this community of
schoolteachers, town officials, farmers and others had lived diversity up close,
through influxes of Orthodox Jews, Guatemalans and Mexicans, in ways many
people in large cities never do. The raid might have pushed that diversity out of
Postville. Instead, the post-raid, post-Latino years would create a more complex
community and more big-city challenges for tiny Postville than anyone could have
envisioned.
Like many Iowa towns, Postville was hit hard by the Midwest farm crisis in
the 1980s. Small farms folded, businesses shuttered and people moved to bigger
cities for better opportunities. Then, in 1987, Postville, it seemed, got lucky: the
Rubashkin family, part of the Chabad-Lubavitch sect of Hasidic Jews, extended its
meat business from a butcher shop in Brooklyn, N.Y., to a defunct factory in
Postville. It was part of a trend of major meatpacking plants moving to the Midwest,
closer to livestock and lower-paid, nonunion workers. Even among these new
destinations, though, Postville stood out. While many rural meatpacking towns have
populations of 30,000 to 60,000, Postville’s population was just 1,400 when Agri
arrived.
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Initially, Russians and Ukrainians worked at the plant. But as they moved on to
better jobs and other towns, Mexicans and later Guatemalans took their place.
Tensions in Postville — where intermarriage was a Swede marrying a Norwegian —
ran high at times. The newcomers were largely single men with “too much time on
their hands on the weekends,” according to Michael Halse, the Postville police chief.
Some longtime residents grumbled that Guatemalans took jobs from white Iowans; a
rumor spread that Mexicans killed dogs for meat.
Not everyone was pleased with the presence of Orthodox Jews, either, many of
whom were managers and rabbis at the plant. About 100 Jewish families ultimately
moved to Postville, where they opened a synagogue and schools for their children.
Dressed in black felt fedoras and black suits with tzitzit, or tassels, hanging from
their shirts and sometimes shtreimels, large fur hats, the Orthodox men stuck out
among others walking down Lawler Street. The Jews were remote, some
complained; they drove as if they still lived in New York City; they let their grass
grow too high.
But by the mid-2000s, time and experience had softened Postville’s mood.
Latinos, Jews and longtime Iowans were still largely segregated socially, but
tolerance was the norm. It helped that many of the single Guatemalan and Mexican
men had moved on or settled down, often bringing their families from back home.
The public schools had a new fine-arts building, developed a K-12 bilingual program
and hired additional staff members. New businesses sprouted: a Mexican restaurant
and grocery store, a Guatemalan restaurant and the Guatemalan-owned Tonita’s
Express, where workers lined up on Saturday mornings to wire hundreds of dollars
back to villages in Guatemala and bought phone cards, Spanish-language CDs and
DVDs, tortillas and birthday cards.
By that time, Aaron Goldsmith, an Orthodox Jew, had won a seat on the
Postville City Council. And volunteers organized an annual food festival downtown,
where, along with cotton candy, funnel cakes and hot dogs, the booths featured
falafel, tacos and Ukrainian blinchiki, while the entertainer Uncle Moishy — flown in
from Brooklyn — performed Yiddish songs.
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In 2005 Herrera, the former Agri worker, who had been a teacher in Guatemala,
took over the Postville Bakery — a town fixture since the late 1800s — and
transformed it into a spot where old-time farmers lingered over doughnuts and
coffee and Latinos bought pan dulce, tostadas and conchas. A new welcome sign
went up on the edge of town, declaring Postville “Hometown to the World.”
Among the many who benefited economically from the immigrant population
was Candy Seibert. She and her husband bought a handful of apartments to rent to
workers; she opened the laundromat Tidy Wave and the Sweet Spot ice-cream store,
while her husband worked in construction and ran a cabinetmaking business. When
she wasn’t managing cabinet orders, Seibert was scooping ice cream, picking up a
few Spanish words, collecting rent and fielding phone calls about dripping faucets.
She knew almost all of the town’s newcomers. She liked watching Latino kids, some
of whose parents had never finished elementary school and didn’t speak English,
graduate from high school. “We didn’t know how good we had it,” she says.
During my first trip to Postville two years ago, Seibert and I sat in her real
estate office one morning, in a converted garage two blocks from Agri to the east and
two blocks from downtown to the west. Dozens of keys hung from the wall, and a
dry-erase board listed needed repairs at her properties.
Seibert is 43, with long blond hair that she hastily pulls into a ponytail, a
wardrobe of jeans and zip-up hoodies and a no-nonsense manner. “It takes some
mothering,” she said of being a Postville landlord, which she likened to the decade
she spent bartending in a biker bar. “And I have to yell a lot.”
Her mini-empire of working-class housing includes apartment buildings and
clapboard single-family homes divided into units. Following the raid, she also began
managing dozens of properties for a bank when a major landlord went bankrupt.
But in the immediate aftermath of the raid, Seibert and many local business
owners struggled to stay afloat. Mexican-owned grocery and clothing stores shut
down, along with Restaurante Rinconcito Guatemalteco. Business at Seibert’s
laundromat and several other local shops dropped by at least 50 percent.
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Down the street, Agri was collapsing, too. Most of the work force was in jail or
had left town. In the best of circumstances, meatpacking is bloody, exhausting and
dangerous work. It draws the desperate: undocumented immigrants, refugees with
limited English skills and a smattering of U.S. citizens thin on luck. Agri’s conditions
were worse than most. About 75 percent of its workers — some of them minors —
were undocumented, and many earned only $6 to $7 an hour, often without
overtime. Female workers reported being sexually assaulted by managers, and
workplace accidents were not uncommon, including broken bones, eye injuries,
hearing loss and grisly mishaps that resulted in amputations.
The raid itself did nothing to improve conditions. In subsequent days, one Iowa
job agency, Labor Ready, provided 150 replacement employees for Agri, then pulled
them out about a week later, complaining that the plant was unsafe. A group of
Native Americans from Nebraska and students from Kyrgyzstan also quit shortly
after starting. Mysterious ads — Agri officials denied placing them — appeared in
newspapers and on telephone poles in Guatemala City, pitching meatpacking jobs
for $8.50 an hour in Postville, “a technologically developed town with a friendly
atmosphere, pretty green areas, public schools and family recreation areas.”
Then, in one of its most desperate moves, Agri recruited 170 people from the
Micronesian island of Palau — whose status as a former U.S. protectorate means its
citizens can work legally in the United States. In September 2008, the Palauans
traveled 72 hours and 8,000 miles on planes and buses before arriving in Postville
with little more than flip-flops and brightly colored shorts and tops.
Meanwhile, Agri hired other job agencies that recruited Somali refugees from
Minnesota and bused in homeless people from Texas, with promises of a hiring
bonus and a month of free housing. The once-quiet town entered its “inner-city,
homeless phase,” Seibert said. The Postville police chief added more officers — the
department was used to dealing with stray animals, locked cars and bar brawls — to
the Friday and Saturday night shifts. Arrests went up during the fall and winter of
2008. Drug problems spiked. There was a double stabbing downtown.
In the midst of this upheaval, Sholom Rubashkin, the chief executive of Agri,
was charged with providing funds for fake ID cards for workers; later, he was also
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charged with defrauding banks of millions of dollars. (He is serving a 27-year prison
sentence for 86 counts of financial fraud, including money laundering and bank,
mail and wire fraud. Other managers received prison sentences for bank fraud and
helping immigrants get false work papers.) The same month Rubashkin was
arrested, a bank began foreclosing on the plant, and the company suspended
hundreds of employees without pay. Work at Agri slowed to a crawl. With few
workers to slaughter the animals, hundreds of turkeys, stuck in cages on tractortrailers outside the plant, began dying. The smell of decay seeped into the
neighborhood.
Agri stopped paying its property taxes to Postville, and the town’s two biggest
landlords — Seibert was not yet among them — folded shop, leaving behind
thousands of dollars’ worth of unpaid water and heat bills, as well as hundreds of
angry, out-of-work tenants.
Many of the laid-off workers fled immediately, including several from a house
that Seibert showed me one afternoon. On the outside, paint peeled, and the porch
sagged from rot. Several windows were cracked, and one was completely shattered.
Inside, beer cans, cups and plastic bags littered the kitchen counters and floors.
Upstairs, a toilet tank was cracked down the middle. Seibert — who ended up
managing the building after the tenants left — guessed that either someone smashed
the toilet or it froze when the heat was shut off. In a bedroom, a pair of flip-flops lay
next to a bare mattress, as if its occupant had been too rushed to pack.
Some workers had little choice but to stay put. One winter evening in 2008,
Herrera, the manager of the bakery (which would be destroyed by fire the following
year), arrived home and greeted his wife: “Baby,” he said, “I have some company.”
He had several Palauans with him. Herrera had found them on the street with their
suitcases, no money and nowhere to go. Four of them spent several months in
Herrera’s basement before moving on to other cities and better opportunities.
Of course, the raid was not directly responsible for the treatment of the
Palauans and everything else that happened that year: for too long, Postville had
been dependent on a corrupt plant and a largely illegal, exploited work force. Still,
the raid upended a careful balance in Postville and left chaos in its place.
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One Friday afternoon, Seibert took me to meet some of the workers who had
come to town since the raid. They gathered at an apartment with wood floors and a
small kitchen on Lawler Street. It was the social club for dozens of Somalis in town.
Several men sat on metal chairs, watching CNN. Others talked in the kitchen where a
stand-alone freezer held the meat of three goats and half a cow. The sign taped to the
wall read: “Private club. Members and their guests only. See Abdirahman Dagane for
membership. $1 donation for refreshments appreciated.”
Drawn mostly by word of mouth, the men had come to Postville from
Minneapolis, Kansas City, Buffalo and other cities. As Abdullahi Hassan offered me a
cup of sweet Somali tea, others talked about the downsides of small-town life: the
lack of English classes, job-placement agencies and translation services. One man
said he heard that if you talked to the mayor about problems at the plant, you would
lose your job. “I don’t even know where the mayor’s office is,” Jama Guhat said. (It
was across the street and a few storefronts away.) Guhat, who moved to Postville
several months earlier from Minnesota, was long and lanky and wore a dark brown
suit, a Marlboro dangling from his fingers. On Saturdays — the Jewish Sabbath,
when the plant closes — Guhat and many Somalis leave Postville for Minneapolis, a
three-hour drive, to spend their paychecks on trunks full of halal meat, which meets
Islamic standards, as well as seasonings and tea.
Though some Somalis showed up to fill jobs immediately after the raid, many
more had come to town since late 2009, after a Canadian businessman named
Hershey Friedman bought the Agri slaughterhouse out of bankruptcy court. He
renamed it Agri Star and invested millions in revamping the plant. Offering starting
wages of $8.50 an hour, Friedman has increased Agri Star’s work force to its current
level of about 600 workers from about 300 after bankruptcy.
Like the first Guatemalans, many Somalis in Postville are single: either
unmarried or with spouses waiting in Minneapolis or other cities while the men
decide if Postville will become home. Others have wives and children still in Kenyan
refugee camps. There are about 150 Somalis in town today — down from roughly 250
in 2010 — and no other group in Postville has stood out quite so much: Somali
women dressed in head coverings and flowing hijabs shopping in the IGA
supermarket; tall, dark-skinned Somali men, smoking cigarettes and speaking
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Arabic outside a store that they rent for their mosque, two doors down from Club 51,
the town’s lone bar.
Mark Grey, an anthropology professor at the University of Northern Iowa and
director of the Iowa Center for Immigrant Leadership and Integration, says the raid
resulted in waves of new immigrants not only in Postville but in other meatpacking
towns in the Midwest as well. Many meatpacking companies have increasingly
steered away from hiring Latinos — even though they may be in the United States
legally — because they fear government scrutiny, says Grey, who is an author, with
Michele Devlin, a colleague at Northern Iowa, and Aaron Goldsmith, the former
Postville councilman, of “Postville, U.S.A.: Surviving Diversity in Small-Town
America.” Instead, they have recruited African and Burmese refugees and other nonLatino immigrants, who, while they may be legal, also challenge communities with
new cultures and new languages. “People can scream about the illegal work force,
but a legal work force will also be more ethnically diverse,” he says. “In these towns, I
have people whispering in my ear, ‘I miss my illegal Mexicans.’ ”
Seibert says she hopes that the Somalis will make Postville their home. As a
landlord, she likes that they are family-oriented and that most don’t drink alcohol, in
keeping with their Muslim beliefs. Among her favorites is Abdirahman Dagane, who
ran the Somali social club. Dagane is 26, exceedingly polite, with boyish looks and
outfits of buttoned-up white shirts, khakis and sweater vests. He was 11 when
fighting broke out in his Somali village. Playing with friends at the time and unable
to find his family before they fled town, he spent the next couple of years living in the
back of a village restaurant. Eventually he made his way to Kenya, where he found
one of his brothers in a refugee camp. After moving to Minnesota as a refugee, he
spent less than a year in 10th grade before dropping out to earn money for himself
and his family.
Dagane has heard the talk around town that Somalis don’t work as hard as the
Guatemalans. “With Somalis, if the supervisor yells, they aren’t going to take it,”
Dagane said. “The Guatemalans always kept working because they don’t have
papers.”
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We were sitting in his kitchen on a rainy Saturday a year ago, while lamb boiled
on the stove and a five-pound bag of basmati rice sat on a chair next to us. Upstairs,
in the three-bedroom apartment that Dagane shared with four other Somali men, the
furnishings included little more than a TV, a couple of tables and mattresses on the
floor.
While many Somalis were in Minneapolis for the day, Dagane — whose car
bumper sticker reads “One who prays but does no work is as one who shoots without
a bowstring” and who lists his activities on Facebook as “work and making
something better” — preferred to stick around in Postville, doing errands, enjoying
the quiet of the town. He hoped to make more money, marry and raise a family
there.
Dagane had orchestrated a meeting at the local mosque to identify people who
could serve as liaisons between the Somali community and Postville leaders. He and
his friends also had plans to open a tea shop. It would be the only Somali-run
business in town and a step toward making Postville their own.
Not long after I last saw him, Dagane called me with some news. Dagane, his
best friend and three others had left Postville, lured by manufacturing jobs with
Whirlpool in Amana, Iowa, that paid $12 an hour, had better health insurance and
offered more time off. Guhat, the Somali of the brown suit and the Marlboros, also
left, along with several other Somalis, for a meatpacking plant in Kansas with higher
starting wages. This is the story of meatpacking towns: if workers can move on, they
usually do.
And while the opening of a Costco or another large retail business might create a
more stable work force for Postville, local leaders don’t count on that happening,
given the economy and Postville’s size and remote location. “The town feels
fortunate to have a meatpacking plant,” Mark Grey says, “even if it creates its own
set of problems.”
Those problems were relatively minor, so it seemed, before the raid. Many
residents refer to that time as Postville’s “golden years.” Guatemalans had settled
and invested in Postville, in part because they liked its safety and small-town
atmosphere. Many, though, were undocumented — and afraid. With no papers and
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scant education and English skills, few could walk away from even the lousiest jobs.
Their limitations created Postville’s sense of stability.
Some of those Guatemalans have now returned. Rosa Zamora Santos, whose
husband was deported following the raid, was part of a group of Agri women who
reported sexual harassment and other workplace violations to law-enforcement
authorities. The women were allowed to stay as government witnesses, with GPS
tracking devices strapped to their ankles for months. Then, two years ago, Santos
became one of more than three dozen other women and children who were awarded
U-visas, given to victims of crimes committed in the United States. That allowed her
to finally bring her husband back to Postville last year. Other Latinos — some legal,
some not — have moved in, too, along with a few African-American families escaping
crime-ridden neighborhoods in Chicago and other cities. The work at Agri is still
grueling; wages are low (Agri Star, like Agriprocessors before it, is not unionized),
and some of the old managers from Agriprocessors are still in place. Yet over all,
most people think Agri Star is an improvement.
New shops have also opened in Postville in the last two years, including a
Mexican convenience store, a Dollar General store and, last year, a kosher store to
replace one that folded after the raid. Tzvi Bass originally considered using a Hebrew
name for his new grocery before settling on Glatt Market, which he hoped would
attract more non-Jews. (The Jewish population has declined to about 50 families
from 100 in 2008.) And though Somalis still head to Minneapolis to visit friends and
buy Somali food in bulk, a Somali wanders occasionally into Glatt Market shopping
for spices, canned beans and meat (kosher meat meets halal standards) among the
aisles of eggs, milk, challah, gefilte fish and cold cuts. “It was easy to destroy this
town,” Bass told me a few weeks ago. “It’s harder to rebuild. But I see it slowly,
slowly coming back.”
Seibert sees it gradually growing, too, albeit in a different — and still-to-bedefined — form. Some Somalis have settled down with families, including Abdi
Kassim, who has lived in Postville for three years and in June married a Somali
woman, whom he met at Agri. “I plan to grow old here,” he told me last month.
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As for Abdirahman Dagane, the Whirlpool job did not last. Not long after he
started, the company began a round of layoffs: as the last hired, Dagane and his
friends were the first let go. He returned to Postville a couple times in the last year to
visit friends and toyed with the idea of moving back. But this spring he found a job
driving a taxi in Des Moines. “I love Postville,” he told me. “But in America, if you
find a job, you gotta go. And I’m not starting over again at Agri for $8.50 an hour.
Somalis go where the jobs are. We are pastoralists. We don’t stay in one place too
long.”
Correction: July 29, 2012
An article on July 15 about Postville, Iowa, misspelled the last word in the name of a
restaurant. It is Restaurante Rinconcito Guatemalteco, not Guatemaltecoa.
Maggie Jones is a contributing writer for the magazine and a 2012 Nieman fellow.
Editor: Ilena Silverman
A version of this article appears in print on July 15, 2012, on Page MM34 of the Sunday Magazine with
the headline: Our Town Could Be Yours.
© 2019 The New York Times Company

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We have highlighted some of the most popular subjects we handle above. Those are just a tip of the iceberg. We deal in all academic disciplines since our writers are as diverse. They have been drawn from across all disciplines, and orders are assigned to those writers believed to be the best in the field. In a nutshell, there is no task we cannot handle; all you need to do is place your order with us. As long as your instructions are clear, just trust we shall deliver irrespective of the discipline.

Are your writers competent enough to handle my paper?

Our essay writers are graduates with bachelor's, masters, Ph.D., and doctorate degrees in various subjects. The minimum requirement to be an essay writer with our essay writing service is to have a college degree. All our academic writers have a minimum of two years of academic writing. We have a stringent recruitment process to ensure that we get only the most competent essay writers in the industry. We also ensure that the writers are handsomely compensated for their value. The majority of our writers are native English speakers. As such, the fluency of language and grammar is impeccable.

What if I don’t like the paper?

There is a very low likelihood that you won’t like the paper.

Reasons being:

• When assigning your order, we match the paper’s discipline with the writer’s field/specialization. Since all our writers are graduates, we match the paper’s subject with the field the writer studied. For instance, if it’s a nursing paper, only a nursing graduate and writer will handle it. Furthermore, all our writers have academic writing experience and top-notch research skills.
• We have a quality assurance that reviews the paper before it gets to you. As such, we ensure that you get a paper that meets the required standard and will most definitely make the grade.

In the event that you don’t like your paper:

• The writer will revise the paper up to your pleasing. You have unlimited revisions. You simply need to highlight what specifically you don’t like about the paper, and the writer will make the amendments. The paper will be revised until you are satisfied. Revisions are free of charge
• We will have a different writer write the paper from scratch.
• Last resort, if the above does not work, we will refund your money.

Will the professor find out I didn’t write the paper myself?

Not at all. All papers are written from scratch. There is no way your tutor or instructor will realize that you did not write the paper yourself. In fact, we recommend using our assignment help services for consistent results.

What if the paper is plagiarized?

We check all papers for plagiarism before we submit them. We use powerful plagiarism checking software such as SafeAssign, LopesWrite, and Turnitin. We also upload the plagiarism report so that you can review it. We understand that plagiarism is academic suicide. We would not take the risk of submitting plagiarized work and jeopardize your academic journey. Furthermore, we do not sell or use prewritten papers, and each paper is written from scratch.

When will I get my paper?

You determine when you get the paper by setting the deadline when placing the order. All papers are delivered within the deadline. We are well aware that we operate in a time-sensitive industry. As such, we have laid out strategies to ensure that the client receives the paper on time and they never miss the deadline. We understand that papers that are submitted late have some points deducted. We do not want you to miss any points due to late submission. We work on beating deadlines by huge margins in order to ensure that you have ample time to review the paper before you submit it.

Will anyone find out that I used your services?

We have a privacy and confidentiality policy that guides our work. We NEVER share any customer information with third parties. Noone will ever know that you used our assignment help services. It’s only between you and us. We are bound by our policies to protect the customer’s identity and information. All your information, such as your names, phone number, email, order information, and so on, are protected. We have robust security systems that ensure that your data is protected. Hacking our systems is close to impossible, and it has never happened.

How our Assignment Help Service Works

1. Place an order

You fill all the paper instructions in the order form. Make sure you include all the helpful materials so that our academic writers can deliver the perfect paper. It will also help to eliminate unnecessary revisions.

2. Pay for the order

Proceed to pay for the paper so that it can be assigned to one of our expert academic writers. The paper subject is matched with the writer’s area of specialization.

3. Track the progress

You communicate with the writer and know about the progress of the paper. The client can ask the writer for drafts of the paper. The client can upload extra material and include additional instructions from the lecturer. Receive a paper.

4. Download the paper

The paper is sent to your email and uploaded to your personal account. You also get a plagiarism report attached to your paper.

GET A PERFECT SCORE!!!

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